If you thought religion and politics in Israel were finally heading for a peaceful divorce, think again. The newest Religion and State Index by the religious-rights group Hiddush reads like the prenup gone wrong. In a poll conducted July 31–August 1, 2025, only 57 percent of Jewish Israelis say they support separating religion and state—down from a 68 percent peak in 2017 and the lowest level since 2012.
The headlines practically write themselves: Secularism Ghosted at the Chuppah. But this is Israel, where politics and theology are like that toxic couple everyone begs to break up. Instead, they keep renewing their vows—at the expense of anyone hoping for a modern civil state.
From “Startup Nation” to “Stuck-at-the-Altar Nation”
Israel loves to brag about being the “Startup Nation,” but when it comes to church–state separation, it’s running on Windows 95. Hiddush has been tracking the numbers since 2009, and 2025 is the worst reading in over a decade.
Let’s put that in perspective. In 2017, two-thirds of Jewish Israelis wanted a civil framework. That was the year of fidget spinners and Despacito—ancient history. Since then, the needle hasn’t just slipped; it’s nosedived like a busted drone over the Negev.
So what gives? Blame a cocktail of coalition politics, religious lobbying, and a society that can’t decide whether it wants to be a liberal democracy, a halakhic state, or some awkward hybrid like “Netflix-and-Torah.”
Freedom of Religion… as Long as You Don’t Mean Freedom From Religion
Here’s the kicker: 83 percent still say they support “freedom of religion.” Sounds great, right? Except in Israeli political jargon, “freedom of religion” often translates to your rabbi, your rules.
It’s the classic Middle East remix of “I support your rights… as long as they don’t cancel mine.” People can theoretically choose their path, but the state still decides who can marry whom, who can convert, and which buses will run on Shabbat. It’s like claiming you love free markets while setting the price of bread.
The Usual Suspects: Coalition Math and the Ultra-Orthodox Veto
Israel’s parliamentary arithmetic is a miracle of its own—if by “miracle” you mean permanent coalition hostage crisis. Ultra-Orthodox parties routinely hold the balance of power. Their condition for supporting any government is simple: keep the religious status quo frozen like grandma’s cholent.
Every time a centrist or secular prime minister floats the idea of civil marriage, public transport on Shabbat, or army draft reform, the ultra-Orthodox bloc politely responds with a political baseball bat. The result: endless coalition agreements that read less like policy plans and more like hostage notes.
Social Drift: From Lockdown Enlightenment to Culture-War Fatigue
Remember the early pandemic, when everyone rediscovered sourdough, Zoom seders, and maybe a taste for pluralism? That brief secular upswing is over.
Economic anxiety, security scares, and the global culture war have Israelis retreating to familiar identities. In uncertain times, tribal lines harden. Many Jews who once flirted with the idea of a civil state now prioritize “Jewish unity,” even if that unity comes with mandatory rabbinical supervision.
A Nation of Seculars… Who Keep Voting Religious
Here’s the paradox that deserves its own Purim spiel: A majority of Israeli Jews self-identify as secular or “traditional-but-non-observant,” yet governments keep tilting Orthodox. Why?
Partly, it’s voter turnout. Ultra-Orthodox communities vote like their eternal souls depend on it—because their rabbis tell them it does. Secular Israelis, by contrast, often treat election day like an optional hike day. Democracy rewards the disciplined, not the indifferent.
Then there’s coalition calculus. With a fractured party system, even small religious parties wield power far beyond their numbers. Think of it as political judo: the lighter the body, the harder the flip.
Snarky Interlude: If Israel’s Religion–State Drama Were a Netflix Series…
Title: The Separation That Wasn’t
Tagline: “When synagogue and state said ‘we need space,’ they meant inside the same apartment.”
Episode ideas:
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Pilot: A brave secular PM proposes civil marriage. Cue dramatic music.
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Mid-season twist: Ultra-Orthodox parties threaten to topple the government over bus schedules.
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Series finale (never aired): Separation of religion and state actually happens. Critics call it “unrealistic fantasy.”
The Numbers Don’t Lie—They Just Sigh
Let’s nerd out for a moment. The Rafi Smith Polling Institute surveyed 800 Jewish Israeli adults plus 100 religious oversample with a ±3.5 percent margin of error. Even if every single person on the edge of the margin swung secular overnight, the trend line would still point down.
Translation: this isn’t statistical noise. It’s a real, steady erosion of support for the principle of separating religion and state.
Global Context: Why This Matters Beyond Israel’s Borders
Israel is hardly the only democracy where religion and politics are awkward roommates. Think of America’s Supreme Court brawls over abortion, or India’s Hindu-nationalist turn.
But Israel is unique in legally enshrining a particular religion into the machinery of personal status law. Marriage, divorce, and burial all run through religious courts. Want a civil wedding? Pack your bags for Cyprus. It’s cheaper than fighting city hall—and more romantic than the rabbinate’s paperwork maze.
This setup frustrates not just secular Israelis but global Jewish communities who see Israel as the “nation-state of the Jewish people.” Try explaining to a Reform rabbi from New York why her conversions don’t count in the Jewish state. It’s like inviting someone to dinner and then banning their recipe.
Irony Check: Freedom for Whom?
The 83 percent support for “freedom of religion” might comfort some, but scratch the surface and you find caveats galore. For many Israelis, freedom means “my flavor of Judaism, my pace.” Ask about state recognition of non-Orthodox streams, or equal rights for Arab citizens and Christian minorities, and the enthusiasm thins out faster than last year’s matzah.
In other words, it’s freedom for me, tradition for thee.
Civil Marriage: The Perennial Third Rail
Nothing embodies the stalemate like the fight over civil marriage. Roughly one in five Israeli couples marry abroad just to escape the Chief Rabbinate’s monopoly. Yet every legislative attempt to create civil marriage stalls.
Politicians know that touching this issue is the electoral equivalent of eating dairy on Passover. The rabbinate’s grip ensures that personal status remains less about love and more about leverage.
Transportation, Conversion, and the Shabbat Economy
Civil marriage grabs headlines, but the religion–state dispute seeps into daily life:
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Public transport on Shabbat: In most cities it’s a hard no, stranding the car-less and boosting Uber’s holy revenue.
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Conversion rules: Only Orthodox conversions carry full legal weight, marginalizing Reform and Conservative Jews.
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Kashrut monopolies: State rabbis dictate food certification, making “kosher cartel” a running joke in restaurant circles.
These aren’t abstract debates; they’re lived inconveniences. Yet voters keep tolerating them, proving that inconvenience isn’t as motivating as identity.
How We Got Here: The Long Arc of Status Quo Politics
The religious status quo dates back to 1947, when David Ben-Gurion cut a deal with ultra-Orthodox leaders to secure unity on the eve of statehood. The bargain granted religious authorities control over marriage, divorce, and other personal matters.
Seventy-eight years later, the “temporary compromise” is more permanent than the Dead Sea. Political attempts to revisit it are like archaeologists trying to move the Western Wall: theoretically possible, practically career-ending.
The Culture-War Economy
There’s also money in the stalemate. Whole sectors—from religious schools to kosher inspectors—depend on state subsidies tied to the religious monopoly. Politicians know that every shekel is a vote and every vote is a seat in the Knesset. Why kill the golden calf when it keeps delivering political milk?
The Liberal Backlash That Wasn’t
One might expect secular Israelis to mount a massive pushback. Instead, frustration often leads to emigration or apathy. Tel Aviv’s cosmopolitan elites are more likely to book a wedding venue in Prague than storm the Knesset.
This quiet exit is politically fatal. Every couple that marries abroad is one less vote to reform the system. Over time, the religious monopoly strengthens, and the cycle tightens like a well-knotted tefillin strap.
Snarky Prognosis: Tomorrow’s Headlines Today
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“Hiddush 2030 Poll: Support for Religion–State Separation Falls to 42 Percent; Rabbinate Adds Surcharge for Breathing on Shabbat.”
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“Civil Marriage Now Available—But Only Between Two Talmuds.”
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“Public Transport on Shabbat Approved… for Heaven-Bound Angels Only.”
It would be funny if it weren’t so depressingly plausible.
Can Anything Break the Deadlock?
Optimists point to demographic change: rising secular birthrates in some groups, and a growing share of “traditional but non-observant” Jews. Pessimists counter with the ultra-Orthodox fertility rate and voting discipline. The math still favors the black hats.
Legal avenues exist—Israel’s Supreme Court occasionally pushes back—but court rulings can be ignored or slow-rolled by ministries controlled by religious parties. It’s like trying to fix a leaky roof with a blessing.
What Secular Israelis Might Try (But Probably Won’t)
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Turnout Tsunami: Outvote the ultra-Orthodox by sheer numbers. Requires showing up on election day, which is apparently harder than driving to Cyprus for a wedding.
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Constitutional Clarity: Draft a real constitution enshrining civil rights. Israel has Basic Laws instead, which are easier to bend than a yoga class.
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Economic Leverage: Businesses could demand Sunday public transport to boost commerce. But most just grumble and schedule deliveries before sundown.
Each option demands stamina and unity—two traits Israeli secular politics currently lack.
Why the World Should Care
Israel’s internal church–state drama isn’t just domestic gossip. It affects diaspora relations, Middle East diplomacy, and the credibility of a nation that markets itself as both Jewish and democratic.
Every wedding abroad, every conversion rejected, every bus that sits idle on Saturday sends a subtle message: this is a democracy with an asterisk. Allies notice. So do critics.
Final Word: Theocracy by a Thousand Paper Cuts
The Hiddush index is more than a poll; it’s a canary in the coal mine. A slow erosion from 68 percent support in 2017 to 57 percent today may look incremental, but democracy erodes incrementally until, suddenly, it doesn’t exist.
Israel need not become Iran to prove the point. It only needs to keep letting rabbis, rather than citizens, decide who can marry, convert, or ride a bus on Saturday. The rest of the world will draw its own conclusions.
Mic-Drop Takeaway
When only 57 percent of Jewish Israelis think religion and state should live in separate houses, the other 43 percent are effectively voting to keep their democracy grounded in a rabbinical prenup.
Israel can build AI startups and Iron Dome missiles that defy physics, but it still can’t build a civil registry without divine approval. That’s not just irony—it’s state-sanctioned co-dependence. And until voters break the cycle, synagogue and state will keep bickering under the same roof, proving once again that in Israel, even secularism keeps kosher.